Banikanta Kakati Memorial National Seminar on Prospects and Challenges in Language, Literature and Culture : The Indian Situation.
Organised by: Department of Modern Indian Languages and Literary Studies, Gauhati University and Comparative Indian Literature Association (CILA)
Prof. Banikanta
Kakati: His Vision and Mission
By Maraimalai Ilakkuvanar
Formerly:
Professor of Tamil, Presidency
college,Chennai-600 005
Visiting Professor, SSEAS, University of
California, Berkeley, CA.U.S.
Guest
Professor, Winston Salem State University, Raleigh,NC, U.S.
Guest
Professor, SIM University, Singapore.
Currently:
Content Provider and Web developer,
Thirukkural
Wiki, Cilappathikaram wiki, Pulavar wiki and
Kavithai wiki.
1.The Emergence of Assamese Identity
India is a spectacular garland of
splendid flowers of various colours; a panoramic rainbow of varying attractive hues.
Race, religion, language, customs, colour and creed may vary from Himalayas to
Capecomorin, but, above all, the emotional integration binds us all. The unity,
as Indians. we find, in spite of our
diversity is subtly described by Jawaharlal Nehru
“The diversity of India is tremendous;
it is obvious; it lies on the surface and anybody can see it. It concerns
itself with physical appearances as well as with certain mental habits and
traits. There is little in common, to outward seeming, between the Pathan of
the North-West and the Tamil in the far South. Their racial stocks are not the
same, though there may be common strands running through them... Yet, with all
these differences, there is no mistaking the impress of India on the Pathan, as
this is obvious on the Tamil. The Pathan and the Tamil are two extreme
examples; the others lie somewhere in between. All of them have their
distinctive features, all of them have still more the distinguishing mark of
India”.—(The Variety and Unity of India, from The Discovery of India, 1946)
The metamorphosis of a vast
sub-continent into a stronger nation as Indian Union is a wonder without any
parallel in the world. The credit goes to the British regime for the tremendous
task they did to unite a huge population as a nation. It was mainly for the
sake of efficient administraton.The education they provided for the sake of
mass-production of clerks to serve them served as an eye-opener for smart
Indians realize their position and fight for their freedom from British regime.
Voices of emancipation from the clutches of British regime, clarion calls to
struggle for freedom heard from all directions in the British India. While the
new education obtained through English awakened Indians, it also enlightened
every ethnic group about its uniqueness and identity. The regional
nationalistic spirit was not a hindrance for the unity of Indians. The milieu
and the moment in this context motivated every ethnic group to promote their
languages and literature with a sense of self-esteem and self-pride. As a
result the self-respect inculcated in every mind did undoubtedly mould powerful
intellectuals.
From Himalayas to Cape Comorin every
ethnic group realized their cultural uniqueness and many movements sprung for
the emancipation of their linguistic freedom with regional nationalistic
fervor. In Tamilnadu (the erstwhile Madras) Tamil renaissance movement played a
prominent role for the development of Tamil in all spheres. At that time, Tamil
was denied its place in all activities. In office administration and court proceedings
English was the only language allowed. In musical concerts Telugu and Kannada
sahithyas dominated and Tamil was neglected. In temples Sanskrit alone was used
and Tamil was considered unfit for worships. The Tamil movement fought for the
introduction of Tamil in office administration, court proceedings and as medium
of instruction in educational institutions. Illustrious musicians strictly
refused to sing Telugu sahithyas and they sang only Tamil keerthanas.
A parallel situation is also noticed
in Assam. The history of Assam narrates how the Assamese language was refused
its due place in institutions and offices, the shocking history of blatant
rejection and daring denial of its identity as a language and the spread of the
illusion that it is only a dialect of Bengali language. These were the main
factors which lead to the imposition of Bengali language by the British in 1836.The
spread of education and the awareness among Assamese people shattered the false
notions and as their persistent efforts helped reinstate Assamese language as the official language and the medium of
education from 1873.
At this juncture it will be better to
have a glance of the history of Assam to substantiate the fact that Assam does
not lag behind any other ethnic group in its rich heritage.
It delights us to know that the erstwhile Kamarupa which came to be known as Assam later has a history of
more than three thousand years.
A connected history of the old kingdom known as Pragjyotisha or Kamarupa from the earliest times till the death of the Koch king
Narnaryan towards the end of the sixteenth century is compiled and recorded by Rai
K. L. Barua Bahadur in his book titled “Early History of Kamarupa -From the
Earliest Times to the end of the Sixteenth Century” (Published by the Author,
Shillong 1933)
It may also be
called as the history of Kamarupa
during the pre-Ahom period. As per his assertion, the current Assam has a
history more ancient than the present Bengal. “The materials on which a full
chronological record of this long period can be attempted are by no means ample
but they are at least not less numerous than those now available for compiling
a historical account of the neighboring province of Bengal during the same
early period.”
The author who is an ardent scholar and astounding investigator in the history of ancient India amazes us with his another assertion that “ about 1000 years before the Christian era
the greater part of lower Bengal was probably under the sea while the greater
part of northern Bengal was included in Pragjyotisha. Allusions to the, smaller
kingdoms in Bengal, then above the sea, are therefore rare in the oldest Aryan
records but Pragjyotisha, which was then a powerful kingdom, is often mentioned
in the epics and the Puranas.”
We come to know from this study that the
Aryan wave extended to Kamarupa directly from Videha and Magadha long before Lower
Bengal became either habitable or fit for Aryan occupation. Kamarupa was,
therefore, aryanized long before central and lower Bengal.
The author adds many evidences to
authenticate the fact that Kamarupa continued as an independent kingdom ruled
over by an indigenous line of kings who traced descent from Naraka, Bhagadatta
and Vajradatta who were heroes mentioned in the epics. From epigraphic records,
so far brought to light, it is possible to trace an almost unbroken genealogy
of these kings from about the middle of the fourth century A. D down to the twelfth
century or a period of nearly nine hundred years. Very few of the old kingdoms
in India can present such unique genealogical records covering such a long period.
The author, Rai K. L. Barua Bahadur
clearly states that no less than twelve copper plate inscriptions, inscribed
seals and rock-inscriptions recorded by various kings of Kamarupa during this
period have been discovered and deciphered. Epigraphic records left by the
famous Gupta emperor Samudra Gupta, Yasodharman,king of Malwa, who was a famous
conqueror, Adityasena, who belonged to the line of “Later Guptas of
Magadha", Jayadeva, a well-known king of Nepal and some of the Pala kings
and Sena kings of Bengal provide useful material for the history of Kamarupa
during this period. The Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa, the very valuable accounts of
the Chinese writers, the Harsha-Charita of Banabhatta, the Raja-tarangini of
Kahlan and the translations from Tibetan records, also throw valuable light.
Although several Muslim invasions were
repelled in the 13th century, in the same period the area was infiltrated from
the east by the Ahom tribe of northern Myanmar (Burma), who slowly progressed
westward in their control of the region. The Ahom referred to the region as
Assam (or possibly Asama), and this term eventually supplanted Kamarupa as the
accepted name for the area. Having a unique mix of South Asian and East Asian
cultures, Kamarupa was the seat of evolution for the Tantric form of Hinduism,
including at the Kamakhya temple complex in Guwahati. (Kamarupa Ancient State,
India -Written by: The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica)
It has been found that the phonetic
name ‘Assam’ has been in record with little changes for the past 700 years and
has a strong connection with the coming of the Tai-Ahoms to the State.
After the fall of the Tai Ahoms and
the conquest by the British in 1826, "Assam" was used to denote first
the principality of the erstwhile Ahoms, and later the British province. Soon,
the province was expanded to include regions that were not part of historical
Tai Ahom kingdom. The boundaries of Assam have been redrawn many times after
that, but the name Assam remained. Today, the boundary of Assam contains
roughly the historical Ahom, Koch Hajo, Kachari kingdoms and part of old Sylhet
kingdom (now a district of Bangladesh).
Modern Era:-
This is a period of the prose
chronicles (Buranji) of the Ahom court. The Ahoms had brought with them an
instinct for historical writings. In the Ahom court, historical chronicles were
at first composed in their original Tai-Kadai language, but when the Ahom
rulers adopted Assamese as the court language, historical chronicles began to
be written in Assamese. From the beginning of the 17th century onwards, court
chronicles were written in large numbers. These chronicles or buranjis, as they
were called by the Ahoms, broke away from the style of the religious writers.
The language is essentially modern except for slight alterations in grammar and
spelling.
Effect of British rule
The British imposed Bengali in 1836 in
Assam after the state was occupied and annexed with the Bengal Presidency. As a
result of this language imposition, the progress of education in Assam remained
not only slow but highly defected and a lot of Bengalis were imported and
employed in the different schools of Assam. Writing of text books in Assamese
for school children in Assamese did not get any encouragement and Assamese
literature naturally suffered in its growth. [48] Due to a sustained campaign,
Assamese was reinstated in 1873 as the state language. Since the initial printing
and literary activity occurred in eastern Assam, the Eastern dialect was
introduced in schools, courts, and offices and soon came to be formally
recognized as the Standard Assamese. In recent times, with the growth of
Guwahati as the political and commercial center of Assam, the Standard Assamese
has moved away from its roots in the Eastern dialect.
Influence of Missionaries
The modern Assamese period began with
the publication of the Bible in Assamese prose by the American Baptist
missionaries in 1819.[49] The currently prevalent standard Asamiya has its roots in the Sibsagar dialect of Eastern Assam. As
mentioned in Bani Kanta Kakati's "Assamese, its Formation and
Development" (1941, Published by Sree Khagendra Narayan Dutta Baruah, LBS
Publications, G.N. Bordoloi Road, Gauhati-1, Assam, India) – " The
Missionaries made Sibsagar in Eastern Assam the centre of their activities and
used the dialect of Sibsagar for their literary purposes". The American
Baptist Missionaries were the first to use this dialect in translating the
Bible in 1813.
The Missionaries established the first
printing press in Sibsagar in 1836 and started using the local Asamiya dialect for writing purposes. In
1846 they started a monthly periodical called Arunodoi, and in 1848, Nathan
Brown published the first book on Assamese grammar. The Missionaries published
the first Assamese-English Dictionary compiled by M. Bronson in 1867. One of
the major contributions of the American Baptist missionaries to the Assamese
language is the reintroduction of Assamese as the official language in Assam.
In 1848 missionary Nathan Brown published a treatise on the Assamese
language.[50] This treatise gave a strong impetus towards reintroducing
Assamese the official language in Assam. In his 1853 official report on the
province of Assam, British official Moffat Mills wrote:
“ ...the
people complain, and in my opinion with much reason, of the substitution of
Bengalee for the Vernacular Assamese. Bengalee is the language of the court,
not of their popular books and shashtras, and there is a strong prejudice to
its general use. …Assamese is described by Mr. Brown, the best scholar in the
province, as a beautiful, simple language, differing in more respects from,
than agreeing with, Bengalee, and I think we made a great mistake in directing
that all business should be transacted in Bengalee, and that the Assamese must
acquire it. It is too late now to retrace our steps, but I would strongly
recommend Anandaram Phukan’s proposition to the favourable consideration of the
Council of Education, viz., the substitution of the vernacular language in lieu
of Bengalee, and completion of the course of the Vernacular education in
Bengalee. I feel persuaded that a youth will, under this system of tuition,
learn more in two than he now acquires in four years. An English youth is not taught in Latin until he is well grounded in
English, and in the same manner, an Assamese should not be taught in a foreign
language until he knows his own.[51] ”
Beginning of Modern Literature
Probably the earliest text in a
language that is incontestably Assamese is the Prahlada Charitra of the late
13th-century poet Hema Saraswati. Written in a heavily Sanskritized style, it
tells the story, from the Vishnu-Purana, of how the mythical prince Prahlada’s
faith in Vishnu saved him from destruction and restored the moral order. The
first great Assamese poet was Madhava Kandali (14th century), who made the
earliest translation of the Sanskrit Ramayana and wrote Devajit, a narrative on
Krishna. The bhakti movement brought a great literary upsurge. The most famous
Assamese poet of that period was Shankaradeva (1449–1568), whose many works of
poetry and devotion are still read today and who inspired such poets as
Madhavadeva (1489–1596) to write lyrics of great beauty. Peculiar to Assamese
literature are the buranjis, chronicles written in a prose tradition taken to
Assam by the Ahom people originally from what is now Yunnan, China. Assamese
buranjis date from the 16th century, though the genre appears much earlier in
the original Tai language of the Ahom.
If we delve deep in the history of Assamese
literature it will be beyond the scope of this paper. But it should be
mentioned that any student of Assamese literature will have to study it in three
phases.
1 Ancient
Era : Literature of the beginning period, 950-1300 AD
2 Medieval
Era : 1300-1826 AD
3 Modern
Era : 1826 AD –Till dare
The
Medieval Era can further be divided as:
3.1 Pre-Shankari literature (1300-1490
AD)
3;1.1 Translations
and Adaptations
3.1.2 Choral
songs
3.2 Shankari
literature (1490-1700 AD)
3.3 Post-Shankari
literature (1700-1826 AD)
The periodization has got a different
version in Dhurjjati Sarma’s article. Titled:Comparative Literary History in
Assamese: Some Possibilities
(Sarma. Space and Culture, India 2017,
4:3 Page | 29--39
“If we consider Professor
Satyendranath Sarma’s Asomiya Sahityar Samikshatmak Itibritta, which is often
referred to as an authoritative account of Assamese literary history, we find
the following pattern of periodization:
1. Ancient Period: Literature from the
beginning of literary creation, 950-1300 CE, Charyapadas, Mantra Literature
2. Medieval Period: a) First Phase:
Literature from the Pre-Sankardeva Era, 1300-1490 CE
b) Second Phase: Literature from the
Sankardeva Era, 1491-1700 CE
c) Third Phase: Literature from the
Post-Sankardeva Era, 1700-1830 CE
3. Modern Period: a) First Phase: Age
of Missionary Literature, 1826 (36)-1870 CE
b) Second Phase: Age of Hemchandra and
Gunabhiram, 1870-1890 CE
c) Third Phase: Romantic Age or Age of
Bezbaroa, 1891-1940 CE
d) Fourth Phase: Contemporary Period,
1940 CE onwards.
Source: Asomiya Sahityar Samikshatmak
Itibritta, p. 11.”
This introduction may serve as a
background to understand the academic pursuits of the great scholar Banikanta Kakati,
his mission and message.
2.
Banikanta Kakati----His education and research
Banikanta Kakati was born on 15
November 1894 in Batikuriha village, near Barpeta town, Kamrup district of
Assam. His father Lalitram Kakati unfortunately
passed away before he was born. Though deprived of the love of his father,
Kakati, he grew up amidst the love and care of his mother, Lahobala Kakati. His
elder brother, Paramananda Kakati, undertook the responsibility of his
education.
In the year 1900, Banikanta Kakati
started his educational life at Shila Lower Primary School. From the very
beginning of his student life, he was much appreciated for his sharp brilliance
and acute intelligence. He was awarded a scholarship while he was in the lower
primary standard. In 1905, after completing his primary education, he took admission
in Barpeta High School. Books were a source of inspiration for him, right from
his school days. Prominent among them were “Maxmullaror Jivani”, a biography of
Max Mueller, which he got as a prize for securing the first position in the
annual examination and another, “Self Help” by Samuel Smiles. He was brought up
within a sound Vaishnavite tradition, and, as a result of it, he got the
opportunity of studying Vaishanvite literature. It is remarkable that he proved
his great intelligence even in the grammatical rules of Panini. His command
over the Sanskrit language and literature has been well reflected through his
literary activities in his later years.
In 1911, he appeared in the matriculation
examination under Calcutta University and again, proving his brilliance, stood
first among the students of the Assam valley; he scored the highest marks in
English and received Gold and Silver medals as well as a scholarship. It is
worth mentioning that at that time, Meghalaya, Nagaland and the Sylhet district
of present-day Bangladesh were parts of Assam.
Kakati took admission in the Cotton
College and in the year 1913, he stood first among all the Arts candidates in the
intermediate from Cotton College bringing laurels to Assam. At that time,
Calcutta University included Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and a part of Burma
within its jurisdiction. Kakati’s achievement was not only an individual matter
of pride, it was considered as a national achievement of Assam. In many places
of Assam, people arranged public meetings to congratulate and felicitate this
brilliant boy.
In 1915, he passed his BA Honours in
English in the 2nd class 4th position. As he scored the highest marks among the
students from Presidency College, he was awarded with the Tawney Memorial
Prize. After completing his BA, he took admission in Calcutta University for
studying MA and due to some health problems; he was unable to appear for the MA
examination in 1917. In the next year, he passed MA in the 2nd class and joined
the Cotton College as a Professor of English. In 1923, he again appeared the MA
in English Group B (Language) and secured 1st class 1st position, and since he scored
the highest marks in both the groups, he was honoured with the prestigious Kshetramohan Chottopadhyaya Gold Medal.
When he was working in the Cotton
College, he began his research work under the astute guidance of renowned
linguist Suniti Kumar Chatterji on
the growth and development of the Assamese language.
The opportunity Kakati obtained to do
his research under the guidance of Chatterji yielded a wonderful treatise in
the form of his thesis entitled ‘Assamese, Its Formation and Development’
After seven years of dedicated research, in
1935, he acquired the PhD degree from Calcutta University for this thesis. It
is remarkable that Dr Kakati was the first Assamese person to be awarded with a
PhD from an Indian University.
3.
‘Assamese, Its Formation and Development’
Banikanta Kakati’s thesis “Assamese,
Its Formation and Development” came in an appropriate period.It shattered many
illusions about Assamese language. First of all the name ‘Assam’ itself was a
disputed one.
Most of the scholars of history and
literature accept that the first known mention of the word Assam today is in a
stanza from the Bhagavat of Sankardeva composed and translated in this region
about the middle of the 16th century.
Even from the Ahom Buranjis (histories),
it is found that the Mughals also used the name ‘Ashyam’ or ‘Asham’ for the
State. The same is also evident from various historical documents of the Mughal
period and the Dutch chronicles of the pre-British era.
In the Persian publications of the Mughal
period, like the Akbarnama (1542-1605), Pashah-Namah (1627-1647), Alamgir-Namah
(1657-1667) and Tarikh –I Mulk-I Asham, the name Asham is mentioned. On the
other hand, the name Asom is not found anywhere in the pre-British period.
In the map of the Kingdom Bengale
(Kingdom of Bengal), drawn by a Dutch man named John van Leenen, who was in
Bengale in 1661, also recorded the name ‘Assam.’ The map was published around
1662 and currently preserved in the Maritime Museum, Rotterdam.
Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605 – 1689),
a French traveller and pioneer of trade with India, in his "Travels in
India", published in 1676, nearly two century before arrival of British in
Assam, uses the spelling "Assen" for Assam in the French original.
Moreover, the official chronicler of Mir Jumla too calls the place
"Asam" in the early 16th century.
There is also a diary of a Dutchman
published in 1675, which mentions the name of Assam and described its people as
‘Assamer’. The Dutchman fought alongside the army of Mirjumala in 1662. These
are some of the written historical records of the existence of the spelling
‘Assam’ for the name of the State long before the advent of the British to it
in 1826.
It has been found that the phonetic
name ‘Assam’ has been in record with little changes for the past 700 years and
has a strong connection with the coming of the Tai-Ahoms to the State.
Can we conclude that the land is Assam
and the language is “Assamese”?
Prof.Kakati’s thesis gives the answer.
“The word Assamese is an English one, built on the same principle as Cingalese, Canarese, etc. It is based on the English word Assam by which the
tract consisting of the Brahmaputra valley is known. But the people themselves
call their country Asam and their
language Asamiya, (L.S.I. Vol. I, p,
393)”
Prof.Kakati traces the root of the
word Asam and gives an elaborate explanation.
“The word Assam was connected with the
Shan invaders of the Brahmaputra Valley. Since 1228 the easternmost part of the
valley came under the domination of a section of the great Thai (Tai) or Shan
race which spreads eastwards from the border of Assam over nearly the whole of
further India and far into the interior of China. It seems curious that while the
Shan invaders called themselves Tai (Gait ; p. 245) they came to be referred to as Aasam, Asaam
and Acam, by the natives of the province. In Darrang Raj Vamsawali, a chronicle of
the Koch kings by Suryya Khari Daibajna, composed in the sixteenth century, the
word Asam has all through been employed as a term of reference to the conquering
Shans. In Sankar Carit, by Daityari Thaakur of the seventeenth century, the
Shans have been variously designated as Aasam, Asaam and Acam. In Kaamrupar
Buranji, of a much later date, occurs the form Acam also.
The modern Assamese word Ahom, by
which the Tai people are known evidently
goes back to early Assamese Aasaam ; Asam > Asam > Aham, Ahom. The last
syllable of Asaam might very well be connected with Sham but the initial vowel
A- would remain unexplained, A-, as a prefix having a privative or derogatory
significance. Following the tradition of the Ahoms themselves, Sir Edward Gait
suggests that the term Asam in the sense of "unequalled" or
"peerless" was applied to the Shans by the local tribes in token of
their admiration of the way in which the Shans first conquered and then
conciliated them. Though the rude Mongolian tribes could not have been expected
to be acquainted with a learned Sanskrit derivative like Asam, yet Sir Edward
considers it very probable that this derivation is after all the right one, — in
whatever way the word might have come into use (History of Assam:p.246). In
slight amplification of Sir Edward's conclusion it may be added that Asama,
peerless, may be a latter day Sanskritisation of some earlier form like Achaam,
In Tai (Ahom) , Cham, means " to be defeated.With the privative Assamese
prefix the whole formation Asam would mean " undefeated, " "conquerors”, being thus a hybrid equivalent of the word
Thai (Tai) meaning " free " as opposed to Camuwa (*Camuwa<*Chamuwa)
an Ahom subject of a respectable
status.The presence of forms like Asaam,Acaam in early Assamese seems to lend support to
this view. Skt. Asama could have given a sts. form like Aasam but hardly Asaam.
This detailed argument in the name of
Assam is given here to show the keen observation of the past history and sharp
inference from the genuine data by the erudite scholar Dr.Kakati.His research
cannot be counted with routine academic pursuits for obtaining a higher degree.
It is a magnum opus on the cultural nationalistic activities carried on for at
least half a century in the north eastern part of India.Prof.Kakati is not a
just an academician. In his inner heart there was a craving for the emancipation
of the Assamese cultural nationalism for which many intellectuals fought
through their writings, speeches and journals. The social context shows there
was a wrong notion prevailing that the Assamese language is just a dialect of
the Bengali language.
Prof.Kakati’s research proved the
distinct difference of the Assamese language from Bengali language and
shattered the linguistic imperialistic forces which were obstructing and
oppressing the linguistic human rights of the Assamese for a very long period.
He charted out the main points of agreement
and difference between Bengali and Assamese languages and his thesis has a
detailed discussion on the differences between Assamese and Bengali. He
concluded based on these discussions that the two languages were derived in
parallel from Sanskrit. I am including a summary below:
1) Many
Assamese words derived from Sanskrit are completely different from the
corresponding Sanskrit-derived words in Bengali.
2) Assamese
and Bengali have contrasting systems of accentuation.
3) Dr.
Kakati gives examples of differences in grammatical affixes between the two
languages
4) Assamese
language produces negations by putting a `na-' in front of the verb. Assamese
verbs have complete sets of negative conjugations with the negative particle
`na-'. Bengali doesn't have any negative conjugations.
5) The
plural suffixes are entirely different from those off Bengali
6) Assamese
definitives (the Assamese for `the': tu, jan, jani, janaa, daal, khan, jopaa,
etc.) have no parallels in Bengali.
Prof.Kakati’s thesis smashed those
illusions prevailed in his period which diminished the independent identity of Assamese
language. It acted as a clarion call to everyone to understand the uniqueness of Assamese language based on
linguistic concepts and grammatical structure. We can have a gist of the
Ph.D.to have a bird’s eye view of his monumental work.
Chapter
Contents
Introduction
It focuses on
topics like the growth of Assamese language and its difference from Bengali,
the origin of the name ‘Assam’ and ‘Assamese’, the dialectical features of
the Assamese language, the vocabulary of the Assamese language and the
influence of other languages on it.
I Phonology
Classification of
the sounds used in Assamese language which originated through a process of
evolution from various Indo-Aryan languages. discusses the vowels and
consonants of Assamese language
Morphology’,
A deep analysis
of the grammatical aspects of the Assamese language.
II Points of
DialecticalDivergence
A broad
discussion is made on the stress pattern of Assamese language.
III Assamese
Vocabulary
Six main sources
which contribute to the vocabulary of Assamese language.1) Words of original
Skt.2) Words common to many N.I A, languages 3) Words borrowed from
other N.I.A. dialects.4) Words of
Non-Aryan origin.5) English and other European words.6) Skt. words either in
original or in modified forms
IV The Non-Aryan
lexical correspondences
in Assamese vocabulary
The principal
Non- Aryan sources contributing loan words to Assamese have been discussed.
They are (1) Austro-Asiatic: — (a) Khasi; (b) Kolarian and (c) Malayan. (2)
Tibeto-Burman-Bodo ; (3) Thai : — Ahom
XX. CONCLUSION
In the Phonological part, Prof.Kakati
points out the influence from Bodo language as well as the influence from
non-Aryan languages.
836. Bodo influence in imparting
alveolar sounds to O.I.A. cerebrals and dentals in Assamese has already been
referred to (§ 429) .
837. The same influence has been
postulated in fronting O.I.A. palatals to dentals in Assamese. (O.D.B.L. p. 79)
,
838. A certain amount of non-Aryan
influence is suspected in causing vowel-mutation and vowel-harmony (§§ 249ff).
But to what definite extent the influence might have operated is not known.
839. Non- Aryan influence has been
postulated to explain the phenomenon of spontaneous nasalisation by Sir G. A.
Grierson (§ 293).
840. A certain amount of non-Aryan
influence is suspected in the matter of aspiration of 01 A. stops (initial and
medial) ($5 366. 375).
In the Morphological part, the erudite
scholar illustrates the influence of Kolarian, Dravidian, Malay, Austric and
the Tibeto- Burman languages
841. Reduplication of a word to
produce a jingle. The whole root or its first elements can be doubled and in
this way the meaning is intensified in many ways. This has been noted as a
characteristic of the Kolarian and the Dravidian (Sten Konow: L.S.I. Vol. IV,
p. 23) . There is a lavish use of reduplicating phrases in the Khasi language.
Reduplication and repetition, regular and with variants, have been noted as
frequent modes of word-formation in the aboriginal Malayan dialects. This is
now a pan~Indian phenomenon and its origin is extra-Aryan.
842. The origin of the enclitic
numeratives is also extra-Aryan. They constitute a characteristic both of the
Austric and the Tibeto- Burman languages with some differences in use.
The aboriginal dialects of the (Malay)
Peninsula often annex to their numerals certain words which roughly express the
genius or some general characteristic of the things enumerated. The numeral and
this numerical co-efficient then go closely together and form an inseparable
word-group which may either follow or precede the substantive that represents
the things enumerated (Bhgden: Vol II p, 775),
In the Tibeto-Burman languages,
generic prefixes are commonly used with numerals which follow the nouns. They
are many and various according as they qualify "flat" or
"globular" things, "things standing as trees," l<
persons, 5 ' "animals," "parts of body " etc. (L.S.I. Vol.
Ill, Part II, p. 385) . In the Austric the co-efficient follows the numerals
and in the Tibeto-Burman the co-efficient is prefixed to the numerals. In Assamese
the definitive is annexed not prefixed (§§, 577 ff),
843. Extra-Aryan influence seems
responsible for the use of personal affixes to nouns of relationship. In this
respect also contrariness is noticed between the Austric and the Tibeto-Burman,
In the Tibeto-Burman, the personal definitive is prefixed, but in the Austric,
it is suffixed. In Assamese the personal definitive is suffixed (§§ 599 ff).
844, Non-Aryan influence is noticed
also in the use of different words to express distinct aspects of relationship
according to the age of the person with whom relationship is conveyed. This is
characteristic of the Austric. In Assamese, of the two words used to denote a
senior or a junior, one is often of Austric or unknown origin and the other
Aryan: e.g. kakai elder brother ; but bhai younger brother ; bai elder sister,
but bhanl, younger sister. Sometimes both the words are of Aryan origin but
artificial distinction is drawn in their uses; e.g. bhinihi. elder sister's
husband; but bainai younger sister's husband. (§§ 595-598).
845. Non-Aryan origin is suspected of
the Pl. suffixes -bilak -gila -ngla, -ga,-la(§§ 623, 642).
846. Non-Aryan origin has been
suspected of the derivatives in -ca, -ma and of the past participle in -ibd (§§
79, 80, 816). There may be convergence of Aryan and non-Aryan
sounds in the establishment
of derivatives in -n/-, -ana -an(§§ 521-522).
847, Prefixing the negative to the
verb-root. Amongst the Eastern languages, Assamese stands isolated in prefixing
the negative as an integral part of the conjugated verb-root. In Oriya, the
verb-substantive only shews a negative conjugation. But a negative conjugation
is a characteristic feature of Assamese from the earliest times. As in the case
of the b-past, a fully developed practice in Assamese is found only as an idiom
in Oriya. Amongst the Tibeto-Burman languages of Assam, there is a two-fold use
of the negative. In some, the negative follows the root of the word it
qualifies, while in others it precedes the root. In Kachari (Bodo) which may be
said to have influenced Assamese most, the negative follows the root of the
verb, but the imperative negative precedes the root (L.S.I. Vol. III. part II.
p. 198) . But for Oriya, an extra-Aryan influence could have been assumed. As
it is, nothing more than confluence of Aryan and non-Aryan practices can be
suggested.
848. In the establishment of the
prothetic a-, there is room for suspicion of the convergence of non- Aryan
influence with O.I.A. forms (§ 286) .
849, In vocabulary similarities
between Assamese and non-Aryan words have been noted.
The inferences clearly illustrate the
scientific approach of Prof.Kakati in an objective manner. This thesis is
submitted before eight decades (1935) i.e.in the first half of the 20th
century, but the methodology is still modern, unbiased and exemplary. The data
collection is exhaustive and exclusive encompassing all the language groups
relevant to the research subject. This scientific treatise on the history and
philology of the Assamese language is not only an academic achievement of a
learned scholar but also a timely eye-opener for scholars to get a right
understanding of the Assamese language and its uniqueness.
‘Assamese: It’s Formation and
Development’ gave Assamese people and the society a new identity and
established that Assamese is a language of its own character; it is not a
derivative of any other language.
4. Prof.Kakati: His Vision and Mission
Within a short span of 58 years
(1894-1952) Kakati had achieved a lot by his unstinted and selfless work just
like a missionary for the emancipation of Assamese language from the clutches
of linguistic imperialism. The Assamese people unknowingly were letting down
their linguistic rights by unnecessary squabbles. The fight for standardizing a
dialect gave place to meaningless divisions as upper Assam and lower Assam.
Prof.Kakati’s thesis, essays and books guided the people to forget their
divisions and get united to safeguard their language.
Apart from his thesis, his books “Life
and Teachings of Sankara Deva”,”The Mother Goddess Kamakhya” are remarkable for
their valuable content which illustrate the multifaceted genius of Kakati. His
compilation of essays titled “Aspects of Early Assamese literature” which was
published after his demise is also a valuable document which acts as a guiding star
to illuminate and enlighten people.
In his meticulous analysis of myths
and ancient beliefs of the soil titled “The Mother Goddess Kamakhya” he is bold
and unbiased in his probe which yields unique observations.
“Siva worship appears to have been the
most popular form of religion in early Assam, both amongst the aboriginal and
the Aryanized people. Siva temples have always outnumbered the temples
associated with the other individual Gods and Goddesses. The Kalika Purana
recounting the sacred places of ancient Kamarupa mentions fifteen places sacred
to Siva against five sacred to the Devi and five to the Vishnu. Even in modern
Assam Saivite temples outnumber those sacred to other gods and goddesses.“ (Kamakhya.p.11)
He also narrates the myths describing
the curse of Saint Vasishta which lead to the fall of Siva’s repute and descent
of Saivism in Assam.
The chapter on “The Mother Goddess
Kamakhya” gives immense details about The Mother Goddess Kamakhya, The spouse
Goddess Parvathi, The Virgin Goddess Tripura, The Dread Goddess Tamreswari
(Ekajata) and the great goddess Kali.
The book concludes with a chapter on
Vishnu worship which not only describes its history but also illustrates the
greatness of Sankaradeva and Eka sarana discipline.
“Thus Sankaradeva has given Assam a
new life, letters and a state. Rulers have come and gone and their kingdoms
perished in the dust, but Sankara’s state endures “and “broad in the general
hearts of men, his power survives.”( Kamakhya.p. )
“Aspects of Early Assamese literature”
is a compilation of eleven essays by eleven scholars, including the editor
Kakati, in Assamese language, literature and culture on various subjects and
got published after his demise.
We can have a cursory reading of the
titles and essayists.
The Assamese language --B. Kakati,
M,A., Ph.D. .. 1 -16
Assamese literature before Sankaradeva
--M. Neog, MA .. 17 -64
Sahkaradeva ; his poetical works --B.
K. Barua, M.A.. B.L. Ph.D. .. 65 -123
Early Assamese prose --B. K. Barua, MA
, B.L., Ph.D. .. 124 -147
Madhavadeva and his works --T. N.
Sarma, M.A, .. 148 --168
Rama Sarasvati and his works --J.
Sarma, M.A., 169--188
Origin of the Assamese drama --Kaliram
Medhi, M.A.189--216
Assamese versions of the Ramayana --U.
C. Lekharu M.A., BL. 217-227
Assamese versions of the Mahabharata
--U. C. Lekharu, M.A., B.L.228-248
Assamese versions of the Puranas --S.
N. Sarma, M.A. - 249--306
Assamese versions of the Gitagovinda
-- S. N. Sarma, M.A. - - 307--316
The then Vice Chancellor of Guwahati
University, K.K.Handiqui had given the introductory note as:
“The present work
consisting of Essays on different
aspects of old
Assamese literature is the first research
publication of the
University of Gauhati, and our thanks are
due to the scholars
who have collaborated to produce what
I believe is a
substantial contribution to the study of the
subject. The editing
of the work was entrusted to Dr. B. K.
Kakati, Head of the
Department of Assamese, who revised
the manuscript
before his lamented death in November 1952.
Unfortunately he
did not live to see the work through the
press in its final
form.”
This volume on Assamese language and
literature is a useful orientation on this subject for ardent and dedicated
learners.
Kakati’s contribution to Assamese
language and literature cannot be summarized in a short essay and as a newcomer
to this subject who belongs to an area outside Assam, I find myself unsuitable
for this venture. I aspire to learn Assamese and as an ardent learner of his
thesis, I wish to express my admiration for this stupendous work in a sublime
style with thought-provoking findings.
I am coming from a state which adores
and worships its language, Tamil, and had proven its intense love by many mass
protests and agitations whenever its people think their linguistic rights are
oppressed.
When I learn the history of Assam, I
come to the conclusion that Assam is more passionate in expressing its love and
admiration for its language and culture than Tamilnadu.
We introduced a state-song only in
1972, but Assam got its state-song “O Mur Apunar Desh” written by Lakshminath
Bezbaroa (Lokhminath Bezborüwa) right from 1927.
Assamese language is medium of
education in schools from 1874, while Tamil was introduced at schools only in
1938.
Language affinity and language loyalty
remain as the breathing air of Assam people as well as Tamils. Whenever they
feel their linguistic rights are suppressed they fight for their rights against
any force in the earth. It is the high time to have a rethinking in our
attitude. Language love alone will not help to fight the new challenges brought
by the globalization, the inevitable evil of this age.
In this 125thbirth
anniversary of Dr Banikanta Kakati, this Banikanta Kakati Memorial National
Seminar intends to have an assessment as well as analysis of present-day issues
and challenges confronting the progress of Indian languages, literatures and
cultures as well as the prevailing trends and characteristics pertaining to the
historical development of the said linguistic-literary cultures.
At the outset let us have a glance of
the challenges we encounter in the linguistic-literary area. Pop culture
spreading as the mass culture destroys our folk culture. Media and advertising
agencies are creating and flaunting creole-type hybrid language styles which
erode the subtlety of our language and destroy our traditional grammar. Popular
magazines seldom care for fostering the sublime values which are the bedrock of
our ethnic ldentity.The scholars and students should unite to face these
challenges in an efficient way. Instead of quarrels and squabbles positive and
constructive steps like encouraging creativity in a proactive manner to uphold
sublime values may act as a timely remedy. Language planning with a futuristic
perspective will help for such progressive steps to promote language and
culture in this new situation.
What are the prospects we have at this
context? The gigantic development of the virtual world, the role played by the
internet in the growth of language and literature, the digitization as a boon
to preserve historical and socio-political documents, the shrinkage of the
world by the usage of web are all the boons we have got now. The rapid
development of machine-translation, speech to text and text to speech
conversion soft wares, Internet dictionaries, YouTube, Skype and other
web-media resources, introduction of OCR usage to many languages are the assets
we have in this context which will surely lead to bright prospects un the study
and research of languages.
As an ardent learner of literature
many questions arise in my mind. I may not be mistaken for enlisting my genuine
doubts before this scholarly assembly.
The trends of literary criticism pose
myriad problems and challenges. How are we going to adopt the proper perspective
in criticism? Is it proper to allow socio-political concepts as the leading
lights for literary analysis? If we judge a book and analyze its contents by
adhering to a particular sociopolitical concept such an approach is called as
‘critical monism. ‘By adopting a critical monism, will we be doing a fair play?
Such an approach is called as ‘critical monism.’
Are multidisciplinary approaches the
proper abodes for fair analyses? Is there a need for such multidisciplinary approaches to understand a
creative work? What about the dethronement of the author and the coronation of
a reader as a co-author of a creative work? Is not an author marginalized when
we adhere to these approaches? What will be the use of re-reading when the
reading itself is enough to attract a reader? How can we get befitting replies
for these questions? I hope we can get enchanting enlightenment and encouraging
guidelines from this seminar.
Theories and approaches of modernism
and postmodernism are considered as the guiding scriptures for the modern
critic. The origin of those concepts is surely alien to our cultural setting
and sociopolitical contexts. How far these will be suitable for our language
and literature?
The social anthropological approaches
surely need a re-reading before we apply them. We have to answer the questions
for the desi vs. western debates.
If we deeply delve in sincere probes
to find suitable answers for these questions, I am sure those answers may again
lead us to many further questions. Our dedication and sincerity will guide us
to a deeper understanding and apt approaches for further research.
Banikanta Kakati the prominent
linguist, literary figure, critic and scholar in Assamese language is the
morning star of modern research methodology in Indian languages. Prof.Kakati
stands as a role model for linguists Professors and writers by his sincere and
meticulous work. In our research pursuits, if we adhere to the integrity and
sincerity shown by this great scholar, it will be a befitting tribute for
him.
References:
a) Primary:
Banikanta
Kakati, Assamese,Its formation and development, Revised and edited by
Golockchandra Goswami, Lawyer’s book stall,Gauhathi.1972 Third edition.
Banikanta
Kakati,The Mother Goddess Kamakhya, Published by PunyaPrasad Duara, Gauhathi.1948.
Banikanta
Kakati (General Editor),Aspects of Early Assamese literature,Gauhathi
University, Gauhathi 1953
b) Secondary:
Birinchi
Kumar Barua,History of Assamese Literature,Sahitya Academy,New Delhi.(Year not
specified)
RA1
K. L. Barua Bahadur, B.L., -Early History of Kamarupa
Published
by the Author. Shillong ,1933
S.K.Bhuyan:
Anglo-Assamese relations (1771-1826), Published by K.N.Dutta Barua,Lawyer’s book stall,Pawn
bazar,Gauhathi 2nd Lawyer’s edition 1974
Suryakumar
Bhuyan,Sudies in the Literature of Assam,Lawyer’s Book stall,Gauhathi,1962
Articles
and Reviews:
Ms.
Aradhana Saikia Bora, Sr. Lecturer In English,Nowgong Polytechnic,Nagaon,
Assam-- THE ROLE OF PERIODICALS IN CONSTRUCTING THE LITERARY CULTURE OF ASSAM:
AN OVERVIEW- Research Scholar ISSN 2320 – 6101-An International Refereed
e-Journal of Literary Explorations-Vol. 2 Issue IV November, 2014 p. 182- 199Arupjyoti
Saikia-History, buranjis and nation:-Suryya Kumar Bhuyan’s histories in
twentieth-century Assam∗ Department of Humanities and Social Sciences,Indian
Institute of Technology, GuwahatiThe Indian Economic and Social History Review,
45, 4 (2008): 473–507,SAGE Los Angeles/London/New Delhi/Singapore--DOI:
10.1177/001946460804500401Dhurjjati Sarma :-Comparative Literary History in
Assamese: Some Possibilities--- Sarma. Space and Culture, India 2017, 4:3 Page
| 29--DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v4i3.245Gul Roushanara Begum (Ph.D.
Scholar, Department of Assamese, Gauhati University, Guwahati, Assam):The
Influence of Journals and Periodicals in the Growth and Development of Assamese
Language and Literature in the British Episode –International Journal of
Arts,Humanities and Management Studies-ISSN NO.2395-0692Madhumita Sengupta
:Historiography of the formation of Assamese Identity: A Review—The NEHU
journal-Vol.IV ,Nos.1&2 ISSN 0972-8406
Chapter
Contents
Introduction
It focuses on
topics like the growth of Assamese language and its difference from Bengali,
the origin of the name ‘Assam’ and ‘Assamese’, the dialectical features of
the Assamese language, the vocabulary of the Assamese language and the
influence of other languages on it.
I Phonology
Classification of
the sounds used in Assamese language which originated through a process of
evolution from various Indo-Aryan languages. discusses the vowels and
consonants of Assamese language
Morphology’,
A deep analysis
of the grammatical aspects of the Assamese language.
II Points of
DialecticalDivergence
A broad
discussion is made on the stress pattern of Assamese language.
III Assamese
Vocabulary
Six main sources
which contribute to the vocabulary of Assamese language.1) Words of original
Skt.2) Words common to many N.I A, languages 3) Words borrowed from
other N.I.A. dialects.4) Words of
Non-Aryan origin.5) English and other European words.6) Skt. words either in
original or in modified forms
IV The Non-Aryan
lexical correspondences
in Assamese vocabulary
The principal
Non- Aryan sources contributing loan words to Assamese have been discussed.
They are (1) Austro-Asiatic: — (a) Khasi; (b) Kolarian and (c) Malayan. (2)
Tibeto-Burman-Bodo ; (3) Thai : — Ahom
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